2 June 2025

Business School MSc student Lukas Nitz poses the question: how can we re-frame European climate action, to unite the currently contradicting goals of decarbonisation, democratic stability and economic competitiveness?
Line of EU flags in front of European Commission Building

Student contributions to thought leadership

Students from the University of Edinburgh Business School’s MSc in Climate Change Finance and Investment and MSc in Global Strategy and Sustainability have contributed a series of thought leadership pieces that reflect their diverse academic interests and career aspirations.

These short articles tackle real-world sustainability challenges and emerging trends in finance, business and strategy, economic and urban development.

Each piece demonstrates the critical thinking, applied knowledge, and forward-looking perspective our students bring to the global climate and sustainability conversation.

Re-framing European climate action as an issue of individual prosperity and energy security

The European Union (EU) is at risk of missing its economy-wide objective of 55% emission reductions by 2030 (Marelli et al., 2025). However, instead of strengthening climate regulation, the EU is scaling back important climate laws, such as the Corporate Sustainability Reporting Directive, pressured by conservative narratives throughout the continent. Hence the important question arises: How can we re-frame European climate action, to unite the currently contradicting goals of decarbonisation, democratic stability and economic competitiveness?

Everything is framed

Let’s start with some basics: Frames are schemata of interpretation that enable us to label occurrences within our lives and the world (Davis & Goffman, 1975). They do so by emphasising the relevance of certain topics, events or facts over others. Frames are always present, since every form of communication emphasises certain issues while leaving out others. For example, we can frame climate change as an important topic for all of humanity, emphasizing its holistic impact on the earth system.

By emphasising alternative or even contradicting issues, frames are rejected, debunked or undermined (Benford & Snow, 2000). Debates between climate activists and climate deniers on X are just one example of this contentious characteristic of frames. Hence, active framing, through continuous communication on all channels, is necessary to defend and amplify a frame.

For politics, frames are crucial as they define the context of public debates, thereby changing public opinions to support or oppose political objectives (Davis & Goffman, 1975). Consequently, the way in which we frame climate action, and how successfully we amplify that frame, is crucial to the success of climate policies.

The dominant climate action frames emphasise future risks and uncertainties associated with decarbonisation

There are currently three contested frames for climate action in the EU. The dominant frame in favour of decarbonisation emphasises the existential risk of climate change, blaming big oil, the economy and society's consumerism for high emissions. Consequently, fossil fuel consumption and with it economic growth must be reduced (Badullovich et al., 2020).

In contrast, the dominant frame against decarbonisation emphasises the importance of wealth creation, framing climate action instead of climate change as a risk for the economy and people’s wellbeing (Schlichting, 2013). While the frames differ in their perspective (collectivism vs. individualism), and recommendation (more vs. less climate action), they both use fear as their main emotion.

The third frame, amplified by the EU Commission, frames climate action as a collective opportunity, uniting economic growth and decarbonisation. To solve the existential challenges posed by climate change, an orderly and participative transition into a low-carbon economy is necessary. However, the frame fails to assign clear blame for the problem of climate change and lacks a strong platform for its amplification, limiting its impact to motivate action.

Figure 1
Figure 1 Overview of European climate action frames. The three frames are: dominant frame, for climate action; dominant counter frame, against climate action; and EU Commission frame, for climate action. Each frame is compared against five factors: narrative; diagnostic frame; prognostic frame; motivational frame; and actors.

Framing climate action as a collective risk has failed in securing political support and economic resources for European climate action

While the EU Commission’s frame tries to connect climate action with a hopeful narrative, it fails to prevail against the dominating fear-driven frames. By emphasising the economic burdens and negative implications of climate action, the dominant frames contribute significantly to nationalistic tendencies throughout the continent (COLANTONE, 2024; Halman et al., 2022). As a result, the current frames for European climate action fail to deliver the socio-political support required for the transition to a low-carbon economy.

Consequently, Europe must re-frame climate action to restore and even increase underlying socio-political support. The new frame must be salient for a broad audience and spread a positive narrative. Furthermore, it must be amplified through strategic communication and align with real-world developments, delivering on the promises made. While this seems like a daunting challenge, other regions such as China and Texas have long since succeeded in framing climate action.

Successful international examples of climate action frames emphasise energy security and individual prosperity

China has become the world’s leader in clean technologies by framing climate action as an issue of economic growth and energy security. Chinese clean tech dominance was strategically pursued since the early 2000s, motivated by the underlying business opportunity and independence from foreign fuel imports. As a result, Chinese oil imports and emissions are peaking, while the clean energy sector contributes more than 10% of the country’s GDP. (Hilton, 2025; Myllyvirta, 2025a, amp; Hu, 2021)

Within the Western world, the US State of Texas is accelerating its transition to a low-carbon economy by framing renewable energy as a profitable and simple energy source. Despite being governed by Republicans, Texas is leading in battery and renewable energy additions in the US. Notably, especially rural farming communities support the transition, incentivised by the profits earned with renewable electricity. (Brangham & Hellerman, 2023; Burn-murdoch, 2024; Reuters, 2025)

By emphasising individual prosperity and energy security as the aim of decarbonisation, socio-political support for climate action can be reignited

These examples show how technological advancements and cost reductions already turned low-carbon technologies from subsidised sectors into focal growth markets of the future (IEA, 2025). By emphasising this economic rationale, the current contradiction of prosperity and decarbonisation can be dissolved. By emphasising not only collective but also individual opportunities, the salience of the frame for conservative actors can be increased, extending the frame's audience beyond the scope of traditional decarbonisation supporters. Consequently, decarbonisation can be framed as an effect of policies aimed at increasing individual prosperity.

Furthermore, the aftermath of the Russian attack on Ukraine has highlighted the importance of energy security, emphasised by European politicians and businesses alike (eurelectric, 2025). Since low-carbon technologies such as renewable energy reduce dependencies by avoiding continuous fossil fuel imports, decarbonisation can also be framed as an effect of policies aimed at increasing energy security.

The proposed frame is effective since it is positive, defines a clear problem, assigns blame and resonates beyond the core supporters of climate action. Connecting climate action with a gain in prosperity and quality of life, instead of risks of extinction, creates the positive message necessary to engage audiences in the long term.

By increasing competitiveness in low-carbon sectors, the frame can deliver on its promises of individual prosperity and energy security

The communicative process of re-framing must be accompanied by real-political changes, to deliver on its promises of prosperity and security. According to the Draghi Report on EU Competitiveness, this requires a deregulation of renewable energy, reshoring of clean tech manufacturing and additional investments in low-carbon innovation (Draghi, 2025). By following the Chinese Playbook of the early 2000s, connecting trade with foreign investments and technology transfers, the EU and its citizens can profit from the low-carbon transition, while delivering on ambitious climate targets.

Now is the time to act: Let’s re-frame European climate action!

All progressive actors within the EU must work together to re-frame and re-start European climate action. This requires active, clear and repetitive communication from media, academia, businesses and politicians on the advantages of climate actions, for example by sharing best practices and highlighting positive consequences of climate action. Through positive messages, multi-level communication and real-political changes, the frame can contribute to the ultimate goal: Turning decarbonization into the Zeitgeist, thereby ensuring widespread and ongoing socio-political support for climate action. Now is the time to act and re-frame European climate action!

References

Badullovich, N., Grant, W. J., & Colvin, R. M. (2020). Framing climate change for effective communication: a systematic map. Environmental Research Letters, 15(12), 123002.
Benford, R. D., & Snow, D. A. (2000). Framing Processes and Social Movements: An Overview and Assessment. Annual Review of Sociology, 26(1), 611–639.
Brangham, W., & Hellerman, C. (2023, December 4). Texas goes green: How oil country became the renewable energy leader. PBS News.
Burn-murdoch, J. (2024, May 24). How red Texas became a model for green energy. Financial Times .
COLANTONE, I. (2024). The Political Consequences of Green Policies: Evidence from Italy. American Political Science Review, 118 (1), 108–126.
Davis, M. S., & Goffman, E. (1975). Frame Analysis: An Essay on the Organization of Experience. Contemporary Sociology, 4(6), 599.
Draghi, M. (2025, February 14). The Draghi report on EU competitiveness.
eurelectric (2025, January 28). Redefining #EnergySecurity in the age of electricity. Eurelectric.
Halman, L., Reeskens, T., Sieben, I., & van Zundert, M. (2022). Atlas of European Values. Open Press TiU. Advance online publication.
Hilton, I. (2025, March 5). How China Became the World’s Leader on Renewable Energy.
IEA. (2025, May 19). Energy Technology Perspectives 2024 – Analysis - IEA.
Marelli et al. (2025). Delivering the EU Green Deal - Progress towards targets. European Commission: Joint Research Centre.
Myllyvirta, L. (2025a). Analysis: Record surge of clean energy in 2024 halts China’s CO2 rise - Carbon Brief [Tweet]. Twitter.
Myllyvirta, L. (2025b, February 19). Analysis: Clean energy contributed a record 10% of China’s GDP in 2024. CREA – Centre for Research on Energy and Clean Air.
Reuters (2025, January 9). Texas tops US states for renewable energy and battery capacity. Reuters Media.
Schlichting, I. (2013). Strategic Framing of Climate Change by Industry Actors: A Meta-analysis. Environmental Communication, 7(4), 493–511.
Su, Y., & Hu, J. (2021). How did the top two greenhouse gas emitters depict climate change? A comparative analysis of the Chinese and US media. Public Understanding of Science (Bristol, England), 30(7), 881–897.

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Lukas Nitz

Student from the University of Edinburgh Business School’s MSc in Global Strategy and Sustainability